A letter from Bob Rice in Congo
November 2011
The Shepherd of the Flock
On November 28 the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) will hold its third democratic elections in its 51-year history. There is uncertainty and fear related to the upcoming elections. Many are hopeful for change.
First arrival of election kits in Kinshasa. (Source: monusco.ummissions.com)
Independence from Belgian colonial rule began on June 30, 1960. Despite being ill prepared for the democratic political process, Joseph Kasa-Vubu became Congo’s non-executive president and Patrice Lumumba Congo’s first prime minister. In a vitriolic speech, Lumumba told King Baudouin of Belgium, “We are no longer your monkeys.” Over the next five years, Congo would descend into a spiral of political chaos and internal division centered on the volatile figure of Patrice Lumumba; this maelstrom included a wide array of players: Belgium, the United Nations, the United States, the Soviet Union, Joseph Mobutu, Joseph Kasa-Vubu, China, Cuba, Algeria and Egypt. In 1965, after incredible internal turmoil that left more than 1 million dead, Joseph Mobutu would assert himself a second time as president. Mobutu would reign for 32 years as a despot, propped up by Western powers during the Cold War era.
Leaftlet to encourage voter registration. (Source: monusco.ummissions.com)
The end of the Cold War brought an end to Mobutu’s regime. In 1997 Laurent Kabila, supported by neighboring Rwanda and Uganda, forcibly removed Mobutu from office and assumed powers as head of state. No more than a petty tyrant, Kabila isolated himself from those who placed him in power, inciting a massive conflict that would embroil the continent in war—bringing armies from Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Chad. Writes Martin Meredith, “Like vultures picking over a carcass, all sides engaged in a scramble for the spoils of war” (Meredith, 2005). This four-year tragedy, dubbed “Africa’s World War,” would claim the lives of 3 million people, mostly due to starvation and disease. Laurent Kabila, unwilling to share power and negotiate peace, was assassinated in early 2001. His cronies, unable to select a leader amongst themselves, chose Kabila’s 30-year-old son Joseph, a figurehead they could manipulate. However, Joseph Kabila proved to be a decisive leader. He immediately lifted the ban on political parties and began a series of negotiations leading to a peace deal signed in July 2002. Led by Kabila, a newly formed coalition government included representatives from the main Congolese factions. All foreign armies were forced to withdraw, yet fighting would continue in the eastern region.
Joseph Kabila presided over this interim government until 2006, when the first multi-party elections took place in 40 years. Joseph Kabila was announced the winner of the presidency with 58 percent of the vote. The election was perceived fair, and met the objective of re-establishing a legitimate government in the DRC. MONUC, the largest UN peacekeeping force in the world, effectively monitored the election in the face of massive logistical challenges. The international community contributed more than $400 million to help with election efforts. Now, five years later, multi-party elections will happen a third time. Joseph Kabila will run again. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO, formerly MONUC) will be involved, but perhaps not at the same level as in 2006. Rev. Daniel Ngoy Mulunda, who serves as chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission [CENI] of Congo, says the electoral body is partnering with the international community, including MONUSCO, to ensure that the November 28th general elections are credible.
Monusco seeks to protect citizens during election period. (Source: monusco.ummissions.com)
Yet there is growing concern about an unfair presidential contest, and also fear about violence leading up to and after the November 28th election. Joseph Kabila, bent on remaining in power, has reportedly attempted to influence the work of the CENI. Bahati Jacques, of the Africa Faith and Justice Network, writes, “Such a move is a setback and a disservice to DRC’s democratic process and progress in general.” It causes the opposition to focus undue attention on ensuring the election isn’t rigged, versus focusing on proposed solutions for DRC’s pressing problems. James Entwistle, the U.S. ambassador to the DRC, wants the Congolese to build capacity and not depend so heavily upon the international community as they did in 2006. Yet many Congolese feel that the international community has turned its back on democracy. The risks inherent to an unfair election include violence during the post-election period. Recent violence and the disengagement of international support stand in stark contrast to the election of 2006. If the international community doesn’t act, credible elections that would help entrench peace and democracy will be bypassed and replaced with another Congo crisis. The stakes are high.
Joseph Kabila’s main opponent in the presidential contest is Etienne Tshisekedi. Tshisekedi, who hails from the Kasai region where we live, has a long history in Congolese politics. Although he once served as prime minister under Mobutu Sese Seko, he was also arrested 10 times in eight years—outspoken in his attacks on the former Mobutu regime. Tshisekedi, 78 years old, is almost twice the age of Kabila. Yet he has already been able to unite 80 political parties and his opposition movement has a chance of unseating Kabila. Each candidate is adamant he cannot lose the election. This adamancy spells a recipe for post-election disaster. Oscar Kashala, a leader of one of the many opposition movements, says, "Congo is sitting on a ticking bomb, because some political parties are leaning on the electorate, incentivizing them to fuel violence in the country post election" (if their candidate isn’t elected).
UN Delivery of voter cards and information. (Source: monusco.ummissions.com)
Two less visible but important factors underlie the political process in the DRC. First, from an anthropological level, one must understand how the “African big man mentality” or the “patron-client mentality” drives politics. Because of the dearth of social institutions, citizens are dependent upon social, religious, regional and ethnic ties; they favor candidates sympathetic to their group. Because a large, weak state like the DRC cannot provide for its citizenry in socially satisfactory ways (regarding health care, education, etc.), politicians fill this void by providing benefits of patronage down to those they represent. For instance, I have heard from colleagues that some of the best schools in Congo are in the home region of Joseph Kabila. While “policy-based” political competition may produce better results for the country as a whole, the voter perceives "patron-client" ties as their best option for improved social conditions.
Second, there is the larger socio-political (international) landscape. A wide array of competing international power brokers serve as key players in the political process. On a regional basis, these players include: Rwanda, Uganda, and Angola. On a more international basis, these players include: the United States, Belgium, China, and the United Nations. These constituencies often have diverse and conflicting interests in Congo. Tragically, these power brokers and their competing interests do more to hurt the already fragile domestic accountability system within Congo. It seems that these power brokers do not want a strong nation-state in Congo; a weak Congo can be exploited for its vast wealth of natural resources.
Visiual explanation of voting process for non-literate persons. (Source: monusco.ummissions.com)
The political landscape in Congo is complex and unsettling. Please pray with us for the November 28th elections. Pray that God would appoint righteous leaders who will honor God and truly care for the needs of the people. As you pray for Congo, hear the prophetic word of the Lord spoken from Ezekiel for God’s people—
Woe to the shepherds of Israel who only take care of themselves! Should not the shepherds take care of the flock? You eat the curds, clothe yourselves with the wool and slaughter the choice animals, but you do not take care of the flock. You have not strengthened the weak or healed the sick or bound up the injured. You have not brought back the strays or searched for the lost. You have ruled them harshly and brutally…
I myself will tend my sheep and have them lie down, declares the Sovereign LORD. I will search for the lost and bring back the strays. I will bind up the injured and strengthen the weak, but the sleek and the strong I will destroy. I will shepherd the flock with justice (Ezekiel 34:1–4, 15–16).
Sources:
Meredith, Martin, The Fate of Africa (New York: PublicAffairs, 2005)
United Nations Security Council Press Release, July 6th 2006
Clottey, Peter, MONUSCO Reviews Strategy to Bolster Congo Security Ahead of Polls (Voice of America)
Department for International Development (ukaid)
Are Credible Polls Possible in DRC?
Kabila Says He Will Step Aside If He Loses Vote
Only a ‘Team of Rivals’ Can Defeat Kabila
Bob
The 2011 Mission Yearbook for Prayer & Study, p. 61
The 2012 Presbyterian Mission Yearbook for Prayer & Study, p. 102
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